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Most research workers have focused on analyzing corruptness and how the bureaucratism has failed in giving due public service. Other surveies made include international histrions and their deductions on the administration and institutional procedures here in the state. Such surveies do affect at most the survey of foreign assistance and trade every bit good. This paper intends to turn to the effects foreign assistance and trade has left on the policy-making procedures and economic development of the Philippines. It will necessarily include the other impacts every bit good on the wellness, instruction and military sectors.

Section 1 provides the different attacks to development and its kernel in footings of economic and social factors. It will besides specify foreign assistance and trade in order to foreground the different perceptual experiences about foreign assistance. This subdivision will besides include the different signifiers of assistance to clearly separate the signifiers of assistance and be able to put the proper context in which assistance is used.

Section 2 will turn to the assistance and trade involvements of non merely the industrialised states but every bit good as those of the developing states. This includes the costs and benefits garnered by the participant states to explicate the principle behind the aid provided and received.

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Section 3 purposes to explicate the function of foreign assistance and trade in the state ‘s development and its pros and cons. Section 4 concludes the paper and will province some overall deductions of foreign assistance and trade on policy and administration, in conclusion it will besides include options which can supply a better solution than merely trusting on foreign assistance to run into the developmental demands.

Development harmonizing to Habibullah, is defined based on two attacks viz. economically and socially. The definition of development was viewed by most with a limited ‘economic ‘ prejudice by merely specifying it as “ a procedure of growing of stuff production through the accretion of capital ” ( Habibullah K. , 1986, p. 1 ) . While ‘development ‘ , defined in a ‘social ‘ context is merely considered as sing it from a psychological, sociological and institutional position ( Habibullah K. , 1986 ) . Analyzing development from each of these attacks individually as Habibullah had mentioned, is really confining sing the fact that economic factors are closely knitted with societal factors. Therefore, the solution was to incorporate the two attacks thereby organizing the ‘socioeconomic attack ‘ as Habibullah had suggested. Analyzing the development of a state from this position can let a larger figure of economic every bit good as societal indexs to be studied for the construct of ‘socioeconomic development ‘ .

The construct of development in the economic base is normative and that there is no individual piece of information under development in this instance. Under the term ‘developing states ‘ , it ever refers the reader to look at patriotism, transportation of power, stagnancy, proficient aid, economic growing, modernisation and industrialisation ( Habibullah, K. , 1986 ) . In order for economic experts to give it an operational significance, they have decided to give development a strictly economic construct. Therefore, ‘economic development ‘ was given a general definition by Okun, B. and R.W. Richardson as “ a sustained, secular betterment – in the material wellbeing, which we may see to be reflected in an increasing flow of goods and services ” ( Habibullah, K. , 1986 ) . It is of import to take note that economic development is different from economic growing albeit the two footings are used interchangeably. Economic growing merely means more end product whereas economic development means something more. Due to the proficient and institutional changes, there is a greater ability to bring forth and this is what is meant by economic development. But, this difference between the two should about be negligible as development is difficult to analyze without growing. Harmonizing to Habibullah, some economic development theories are those of Marx, Schumpeter and the classical theoretical accounts. The Marxist theory is slightly more cosmopolitan compared to the classical theoretical accounts since Marx includes in his theory the political and socio-cultural factors into his analysis but his chief construct of the developmental procedure still relied to a great extent on a mercenary reading and capital accretion. The Schumpeterian theoretical account is indistinguishable to Marx ‘s theory but alternatively of concentrating on the growing of capital, his theoretical account instead focused on the growing of the Numberss of enterprisers.

Sociologists, psychologists and some economic experts had confidence that specifying development in the societal context will work good seeing that a strictly economic attack to development was unequal during the 1950s and 1960s as a great figure of developing states had reached the growing mark set by the United Nations, but the low quality of life or the hapless criterion of life of the people had more or less remained the same. With respects to this, some economic experts who considered that assorted institutional and socio-cultural factors are besides of import in the class of development, many of them still contend that the deterministic power of economic factors and economic growing on its ain will stop up automatically in societal advancement ( Habibullah, K. , 1986 ) . Therefore, this led to an addition in the ‘social psychological theoretical accounts as sociologists and psychologists ( even some economic experts ) claimed the laterality of the assorted psychological and societal or social factors as cardinal determiners to economic development. Some of the of import societal psychological theoretical accounts Habibullah mentioned were Professor David McClelland ‘s “ n-achievement ” theoretical account, E.E. Hagen ‘s “ theory of societal alteration and Dr. Boeke ‘s theory of “ sociological dualism ” .

Basically, Professor McClelland ‘s n-achievement theoretical account ( Need for Achievement ) is all about holding the motive for accomplishment in order to hold a successful economic development where a growing in n-achievement would automatically take to the growing in entrepreneurship and therefore stoping in an overall advancement in the economic system. E.E. Hagen claims that cultural personality is the of import factor in economic development. He suggests that the radical actions of the subordinated group or those who are in the lower categories against the elites are responsible for the passage of society from traditional to modern. While Dr. Broeke ‘s theory of sociological dualism explains that the ground why less developed states exist now was brought approximately by the colonialization of such states in the yesteryear. Colonialism brought with it its ain societal system ( Western Capitalism in bulk ) which clashed with the colonised state ‘s autochthonal societal system. Such was the instance for the Philippines which was colonized by the Spaniards, Nipponese and the Americans eventually. Each state had brought with them their political system and manner, civilization and traditions which greatly influenced the Filipinos. Their influences can be reflected from the family up to how the authorities manages the whole state.

Socioeconomic development was born out of the fact that developing states continue to neglect in bettering the criterion of life of the bulk of its population and that the interrelatednesss between economic and societal factors became more apparent in the long tally. “ The kernel of this attack is that development is a individual procedure affecting the transmutation of a whole societal system, of which economic activities and dealingss are a portion, for the accomplishment of specified ends ” ( Habibullah, K. , 1986, p.8 ) . This new construct in analyzing development has provided the economic and societal attacks a more wholesome account. Socioeconomic attack is embracing as it looks at the development of society non merely with the economic prejudice but it includes every bit good the societal conditions, political and administrative foundations that account for the stagnancy or growing of a state.

With this attack, foreign assistance and trade can be discussed non merely economically but other socio-political elements can be included every bit good to supply a better apprehension. Foreign assistance and trade can be defined politically so as to explicate its interrelatedness with the policies and administration of a state. It is of import to look at the macroeconomic degree in order to see how it affects the economic system most surely for the developing states such as the Philippines.

It is of import first to clear up the construct of an developing country, its features to be considered as a state belonging to this class. Although it does n’t sound good and fortunate to be branded with the label “ developing ” , “ developing ” or “ less developed state ” it is better clear up this definition in order to see how industrialised states consider in assisting and directing out foreign assistance for such states.

Harmonizing to Jr. Wolf, C. foreign assistance and trade is normally associated with these other labels: “ backward, underprivileged culturally deprived, undeveloped, less developed, rich and hapless, low income, Point Four and developing state ” ( 1960, p.22 ) . These labels on third-world states caused some disturbance every bit early as the 1940s since the definitions of these labels seemed inappropriate to depict Third World states. For illustration, the label “ backward ” was popularized because of President Truman ‘s Point Four address and it caused an immediate denouncement among Third-World states as the label “ backward ” implied “ savageness ” or “ brutality ” . The usage of the labels “ culturally deprived ” and “ underprivileged ” besides elicited a negative significance as it connoted non merely charity and poorness but besides a down degree of civilisation, civilization and stuff development which is non true at some parts since civilizations of Third World states is normally highly-developed because it has already evolved over how many centuries.

Foreign Aid or merely the word assistance has been defined by many economic experts, political scientists and other research workers in the field of Social Sciences. Each of them has their ain readings and perceptual experiences about the word based on their civilization, the state they are from, the sort of political and societal context they are in. Many other social factors are involved in the influence of how foreign assistance or assistance is defined and this goes the same for foreign trade or trade.

Aid is by and large defined as “ the transportations of resources from authoritiess or public establishments of the richer states to authoritiess in the Third World ; a post-Second World War phenomenon ” ( Hayter, T. , 1985, p.6 ) . Whereas foreign trade or trade by itself is defined as services or goods intended for trade with another state other than the state from where they came from. Trade is basically the imports and exports between states or to some location outside of a state ‘s boundary lines.

Aid has many signifiers, intents and functions to play. It has many utilizations non merely for industrialised states, but besides for Third World states like the Philippines. Aid every bit good as trade has many sides to it that bulk of a hapless public would non cognize. It is non satisfactory to categorise foreign assistance as homogeneous which can be put into a individual class, since its manifold aims are merely excessively diverse to be dealt with all at the same clip. Therefore, there exist different signifiers of assistance, each holding its ain intent, nonsubjective, rationale and function. In this sense, it is much easier to place how foreign assistance is allocated and used. At the same clip, the deductions of such assistance and its connexion with trade can clear up the deductions it has made on the Philippines policies, administration and procedures.

There are really a figure of interconnected signifiers of Aid coming from the industrialised states ( bulk coming from the West ) which have been used by many hapless states such as the Philippines. It has been mentioned that assistance is besides a post-Second World War phenomenon and this is true for Imperialistic authoritiess ; “ Imperialistic authoritiess did non really name their outgos on colonial disposal and conquest, on railroad systems to transport minerals and natural stuffs to the ports for transshipment to Europe as assistance ” ( Hayter, T. , 1985, p.6 ) . At post- Second World War, these outgos came to be known as assistance or foreign aid. Like in the instance of the Philippines, U.S. development aid began after the Second World War during the 1940s. An illustration is the Tydings Act ( Rehabilitation Act ) of 1946 which granted “ compensation to Filipinos in the signifier of fiscal and proficient aid for the Reconstruction and rehabilitation of roads, Bridgess and public edifices ” ( Pante, F. and Reyes, R. , p.2 ) . It was mentioned that when these settlements are left on their ain to be independent, their colonial swayers and other authoritiess began to supply loans and grants to assist in the funding of agribusiness, societal and economic substructure. This can be demonstrated in the Nipponese Development Assistance ( Official Development Assistance ) which happened during 1956 in the signifier of war reparations payments or “ baisho ” . It is someway a signifier of de-colonization from these colonial powers through giving or imparting money. In the Philippine context, most of its assistance or aid had come from the United States and Japan and the grounds why they had provided assistance are clearly seen in its history with colonisation. Foreign assistance for the U.S. has many functions in American diplomatic negotiations. It is either used for making a symbolic national “ presence ” abroad ; it can be utilized for international favours ; and it can be used for presenting and act uponing alterations in other states ” ( Montgomery, J. , 1967 ) .

Montgomery classified assistance in three signifiers harmonizing to their major intent: Diplomatic, Compensatory and Strategic. Diplomatic foreign assistance is for the intent of set uping in abroad a presence of national ideals like “ generousness, humanism, efficiency, technological excellence, and sheer power ” ( Montgomery, J. , 1967, p.7 ) . Diplomatic foreign assistance is established through the economic and military aid and this was emphasized after the World War II. This signifier of assistance, presence is utilized by industrial states to expose official friendly relationships with the other states and of class to “ act upon the province of political relations ” ( Montgomery, J. , 1967, p.8 ) . This Diplomatic Foreign assistance is concretized by the U.S. and other developed states chiefly through their diplomats or embassadors which are considered as their “ official ” presence in other states. But, there is besides this “ unofficial ” presence which takes signifier through the missionaries and voluntary service bureaus ( private voluntaries, a close illustration is the Peace Corps which established non merely in the Philippines but global ) the developed states have. These two concrete signifiers of diplomatic foreign assistance have major differences when it comes to institutionalism nevertheless, since official diplomatic foreign assistance is dependent upon government-to-government relationship while unofficial diplomatic foreign assistance is dependent upon private persons. Another difference is that missionaries aim to alter lone persons and non needfully the whole society. Therefore, it comes down to the fact that Diplomatic foreign assistance can either be given in a most personal signifier by private involvements or in an impersonal signifier by the authorities.

Compensatory Foreign Aid which is the 2nd signifier, serves the intent of carry throughing international minutess or international exchanges of favour to be exact. This sort of foreign assistance is considered as more controversial than the Diplomatic Foreign Aid as Compensatory Foreign Aid in other words can connote graft. “ The commonest signifiers of these international exchanges involve the usage of a military base, air rights, and attachment to confederations, all of which have been ‘purchased ‘ with significant economic or military aid alternatively of hard currency payments ” ( Montgomery, J. , 1967, p.16 ) . Such is the instance for the U.S. and the Philippines seen in the Visiting Forces Agreement and besides in the Operation Enduring Freedom ( OEF ) instance. This signifier of assistance is normally criticized because of the bad feeling it gives as a medium for exchange of favours but however this can ne’er be abandoned when it comes to understandings or dialogues between states.

The 3rd usage of foreign assistance harmonizing to its major intent is decidedly the most advanced compared to the first two mentioned earlier. This 3rd usage of foreign assistance is more than merely a payment for international favours and as an extension of Western diplomatic negotiations ( specifically American diplomatic negotiations ) to Third World Countries. The Strategic Foreign Aid is “ a contemplation of a universe mentality ” ( Montgomery, J. , 1967, p.18 ) .

Harmonizing to Montgomery, Strategic foreign assistance is considered as hazardous and dramatic for the fact that its intent is to better the universe order non merely of dependance and laterality but besides of a delicate web of constructive interrelatednesss. By giving aid to other states, it is believed that foreign assistance can function the involvements of the industrialised states since Strategic foreign assistance involves trepidation for internal conditions which can impact universe political relations. Strategic foreign assistance can non be used at all times if the conditions such as: meeting of noncommunist states which seek to spread out their autonomous independency and giving its people a higher criterion of life are non present. The absence of these conditions causes foreign assistance to lose its strategic thrust. A concrete illustration for Strategic foreign assistance is one time once more the United States military aid which serves their involvement of holding security against the menaces of communism most emergent in hapless states. “ The scope of instruments available to the United States in progressing such a universe order includes military action to make strategic bastions against the military enlargement of the Communist universe, as in South Korea ” ( Montgomery, J. , 1967, p.18 ) .

Military assistance to the Philippines by the U.S. began instantly during the postwar period. One of the first military assistance plans by the U.S. was the Filipino Military Assistance Act approved on June 26, 1946. This military aid act really allowed the U.S. on concluding understanding, the usage of 15 military bases for a lease period of 90 old ages in the “ involvement of common protection and the care of peace in the Pacific ” ( Jr. Wolf, C. , 1960 ) . It is clearly seen in the actions of the U.S. that they are really cautious of the menace of communism in other states.

The signifiers of assistance harmonizing to their purpose each have their ain demand of engagement with the other states ‘ domestic personal businesss. Political forces viing against each other in different states for domestic power is in a province of internal disequilibrium due to its military capablenesss being supported by the foreign assistance. This usage of foreign assistance in keeping stableness for states non threatened by invasion is an grounds of political engagement for industrialised or developed states in the personal businesss of the underdeveloped states. Foreign assistance besides has political, societal and economic reverberations and deductions which account for the fact that it has been unsuccessful in the other countries of its scheme for functioning its involvements. Aside from the three signifiers of assistance mentioned, there besides other five chief signifiers of official foreign assistance harmonizing to the Development Assistance Committee ( DAC ) which are grants, loans, parts in sort, officially guaranteed providers credits and reparations payments. All of these five principal signifiers of assistance are really the representations of the signifiers of assistance harmonizing to aim. These chief signifiers are the physical manifestations of the foreign assistance plans industrialised states offer developing states and within these are strings attached.

These strings are attached plants on the premiss that industrialized states surely are motivated to assist Third World nations non merely out of human-centered or diplomatic grounds, but every bit good as their involvements, the benefits they get from helping hapless states. One may inquire why rich states should be concerned with the hapless states ‘ public assistance. The reply may be obvious to some but harmonizing to Pincus, the replies are really vague and complicated. But to simplify the replies, Pincus references that states for a fact privation or necessitate friends in the political sphere. For foreign policy to work, political cooperation and economic assistance are needed. Obviously, each state has a point of view to progress or a place to support or side with in international dialogues. For rich states to derive support from hapless states when the demand arises, they have to demo involvement or concern for the public assistance of these hapless states. “ Votes in the United Nations, trade grants, usage of bases or communications installations, theodolite rights and the countless big and little facets of international political and economic traffics ” ( Pincus, J. , 1967, p.7 ) are some of the state of affairss where rich or industrialised states can utilize or take advantage of the support given to them by the Third World states whom they assist. This principle is really plausible but shallow. Rich states ‘ involvements go beyond doing major long-term political and fiscal committednesss for the interest of diplomatic dialogues. Therefore, Pincus answers this through a simplified signifier of involvements or motivations of the rich states through the followers: military security, care or extension of power and prestigiousness, economic advantage, charity, and a sense of community.

All of these involvements are closely interrelated with one another and explicate how of import developing states are to the rich states. For illustration, “ the falling dominoes ” statement in the U.S. does non merely affect military and political involvements but besides the issues of political orientation and power. In the dominoes statement, it is stated that the West should supply assistance for each state threatened by Communism because if that state would fall, it would be easier for Communism to take over other states threatened every bit good and it would be more dearly-won for the West to support. This issue of military and national security with the transition of clip had concentrated on more political issues. For the West, it views the developing states political orientations ‘ as a bowl for the conflict against Communist Absolutism and freedom for control. As for the Soviet Bloc, it views the developing states ‘ political orientations as a centre for battle in the overthrow of an imperialist government. With this, the imperialist powers are afraid of their ain devastation, the outspread of such a hostile political orientation because this political orientation is the manifestation itself of power taking for their devastation. Therefore, imperialist or rich states would desire to see the universe organized in a manner as their ain or in ways that are at least non endangering to them ; this is the footing of the industrialised states ‘ political involvement in developing states and this is at the same clip from the position of developing state is non merely a cultural slowdown but it has advantages for them every bit good.

Rich states from the East and West are competitively luring developing states through economic and military assistance, political support and through favourable commercial policies. The industrialised states are still bound by the thought that the key to survival prevarications in territorial political control and geographical domination so it is really true so that political motivations or involvements are indispensable for their concern for developing states.

Aid and trade may hold different purposes but both are of import when it comes to the involvements of the great powers. The U.S. for case, in order to maintain its long-range economic well being up and about is done enlargement of its commercial involvements. One manner is through increasing its supply of imported inexpensive natural stuffs from Third World states like the Philippines. In our instance, exporting out natural stuffs had been about even from the clip of Spanish colonialism and in most instances has given no betterment to elate the criterion of life in the state. This economic principle underlying continued foreign assistance and trade is good in the points-of-view of the industrialised states. With the trust of industrialised states on natural stuff imports from developing states and in bend the trust of developing states on capital goods and other merchandises made in developed states, it concluded by the industrialised states that the greatest trade is between the most industrialised states. Therefore, for the common benefit of all, foreign assistance should be continued to prolong the economic growing of developing states in order to increase trade.

Trade and Aid interact with another as “ the transportation may ease trade or suppress it ” ( Pincus, J. , 1967 ) and their intents are non to discourage one another. The object of trade growing is non to diminish assistance and the object of assistance is non increase trade. Aid is of import to the economic system many developing states every bit long as they are discontented with “ the present universe distribution and the incidence of its growing, given the present organisation of international economic policy ” ( Pincus, J. , 1967, p.47 ) . This goes the same for trade, it is of import for both industrialised and developing states every bit long as it can hold good effects on growing.

All of the constructs and state of affairss discussed can be readily seen and applied on the instance of the Nipponese Official Development to the Philippines. The Nipponese ODA is important for the ground that it had greatly influenced the development and economic systems of assorted states all over the universe. It is stated in the IBON in their 2005 study that the Philippines is the 3rd largest receiver of Japan ODA after China and Indonesia. The Philippines has been acquiring its assistance from Japan for Philippine development undertakings and demands since 1960.

Most of the Japan ODA achievements are seen in substructure developments since 1969. Harmonizing to the Nipponese Embassy in the Filipino studies, the following were the sectoral achievements: ( 1 ) Roads and Bridges, ( 2 ) Power and Energy, ( 3 ) Drinkable Water Supply, ( 4 ) Airports, ( 5 ) Ports, ( 6 ) Flood Control, ( 7 ) Agribusiness, ( 8 ) Environment, ( 9 ) Health, ( 10 ) Education.

For the roads and Bridgess, it is mentioned in the study that 13 % of all national main roads were improved through Japan ODA, which includes the 2,100 km Philippines-Japan Friendship main road, 200 new Bridgess, the 2nd Mandaue-Mactan Bridge and the San Juanico Bridge. 8 % of the power and energy coevals was assisted by Japan. Japan had supported in the coevals of geothermic power and besides in the development in the interconnectedness of power grids. Water installations which provided clean imbibing H2O to an estimated 13 million Filipinos were reported to be built by Nipponese ODA. The building of major airdromes were funded by Japan ODA with the sum of 110 billion hankerings ( PhP 47.8 billion ) which includes the NAIA 2 and Cebu- Mactan international airdromes. These airdromes accommodate about 13 million riders of domestic flights and about 8.3 million riders of international flights.

About 59 small-scale ports were built and rehabilitated for greater entree to different countries and the facilitation of industrial development. These buildings were supported by Japan every bit good as the enlargement and betterment of major ports like Subic, Cagayan De Oro and Batangas. Flood control undertakings were besides assisted by Japan. An illustration would be during the Ormoc catastrophe which killed about 8,000 people in 1991, in response to this, Japan had completed the Ormoc City Flood Mitigation Project which had prevented the same catastrophe Ormoc had experienced when a typhoon of the same strength hit Ormoc once more. In agribusiness, Japan had funded more than 50 % of irrigation undertakings which equals about 129,000 hectares of farming area Japan. The Filipino Government was besides supported by Japan in re-afforestation, solid waste direction and Metro Manila Air Quality Improvement and other assorted environmental undertakings. For the Philippine Health sector, Japan had already given grants and proficient aid with a sum of 20 billion Hankerings ( PhP 8.8 billion ) . The most important were the upgrading and enlargement of the Philippine General Hospital, Benguet Medical Center, Vicente Sotto Hospital and Davao Medical Center. Research for infective diseases was besides supported by Japan. Once once more, Japan has extended its loans and grants for the enlargement of school edifices. As of 2005, there are about 1,557 schoolrooms and 156 scientific discipline research labs built at a cost of P 4.4 billion ( grant-aid ) and the building of 64,000 schoolrooms were ongoing funded through loan strategies. Education, Mathematics ‘ and Science instructors ‘ accomplishments were besides being improved and focused on so by Japan.

With all of these of import and overpowering aids Japan has given the Philippines, it is of import to observe that there are imperative jobs which had resulted from the nature of Japan ‘s assistance and supported/funded undertakings. A cardinal issue is that the assistance of Japan to the Philippines comes in the signifier of loans which worsens the debt load of the state. Although the graduated table and consequences of Japan ODA is genuinely astonishing, it should non be neglected that these had come in the signifier of loans intending they were non free.

Looking at this in the context of wise financial policy, these ODA loans surely have contributed much to development but these are non necessary or these ODA loans are inappropriate for the debatable place of the Philippines in financial affairs. “ The Filipino authorities faces a financial crisis as grosss decline to 12.3 % of GDP in 2003 from 16.9 % of GDP in 1996 and the revenue enhancement attempt of the Bureau of International Revenue and Bureau of Customs continue to worsen to 9.6 % from 12 % and 2.4 % from 4.8 % in the same period severally ” ( Ibon Books, 2005, p.140 ) . The budget shortage of the Philippines continues to turn due to its Philippine automatic debt payment jurisprudence.

Yes it is true that if non for these Japan ODA loans, the physical constructions present in the state would n’t hold been present, but looking it in the visible radiation of the Philippines ‘ financial place, these Japan ODA loans have provided negative or inauspicious factors for development and it has endangered the Philippines ‘ macroeconomic viability.

In decision, the growing inquiry is in inquiry of whether or non this is for the publicity of people ‘s development or instead of foreign investings. The Philippines can non merely accept any signifier of assistance on the evidences that foreign currency permeated is positive, with this Third World state that continues to digest non merely structural but administration jobs every bit good, non excepting the “ misdirection of public fundss and economic precedences, economic disruption and marginalisation of weaker sectors of the economic system and ensuing widespread poorness ” ( Ibon Books, 2005, p.141 ) .

Development Assistance can merely be helpful even in cut downing poorness, if it is decently selected and implemented. Development should non merely be focused in large ticket substructure as these lone provide people with an semblance of development. It does non straight affect and better the criterion of life of the people. Alternatively, it merely attracts foreign investing in which the Philippines rely on so much to be the cogwheel for development. Development is a political procedure which should affect the people, specifically the hapless and powerless in negociating with their authorities and with one another. Leting them do so is besides acknowledging their rights. Harmonizing to Amartya Sen, people centered development for poorness obliteration is finally about acknowledging the rights of the vulnerable, and transforming the power dealingss and cultural and societal involvements that sustain inequality. The hapless and the powerless should be allowed to negociate with the universe community for their rights and for policies that aim to send on their support and for them to hold a promising hereafter with it.

To cite John Foster, “ engagement is cardinal to a human rights attack to development as a right, an entitlement guaranteed by international jurisprudence, instead than an optional excess tool for the bringing of assistance. ”


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London: Pluto Press

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Philippines: Writer.

Jr. Wolf, C. ( 1960 ) . Foreign Aid: Theory and Practice in Southern Asia.

New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Mason, E. ( 1964 ) . Foreign Aid and Foreign Policy

New York: Harper and Row

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New Jersey: Englewood Cliffs, Prentice -Hall

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McGraw-Hill Book Company.

Potter, D.M. ( 1996 ) . Japan ‘s Foreign Aid to Thailand and the Philippines.

New York: St. Martin ‘s Press.

Title: Influence and Role of Foreign Aid and Trade in Philippine Development

Thesis Statement: The analysis of the deductions of foreign assistance and trade in the development of the Philippine state and province can lend to the betterment of the policy-making procedures.

I. Introduction

A. Definition of Development

B. Definition of Foreign Aid and Trade

C. Forms of Foreign Trade

II. Aid and Trade Interests

A. Costss and Benefits

B. Interests of Industrialized Nations

III. Role of Foreign Aid and Trade in the state ‘s development

IV. Decision


Developing states or Third World states like the Philippines have depended on foreign assistance and trade for such a long clip that up to now it is still an issue discussed globally. Foreign assistance is discussed and argued over continually as it clearly gives the differentiation among rich and hapless states and how their dealingss with another affect the costs and benefits of their interactions. This is a important issue internationally as it besides contributes to the development and decrease of poorness around the universe.

This research tends to analyze how trade and assistance dealingss affect the policies for the development of Third World states, specifically the Philippines. It will discourse the motivations or involvements of industrialised states and show that the alleged Official Development Assistance ( ODA ) has certain defects in it which becomes the underlying ground as to why developing states are in such a snail-paced socioeconomic growing. Last, this research will besides discourse how foreign assistance and trade can impact the policy-making procedures of the Philippines.


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